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Russian leader Vladimir Putin was born in 1952 in St. After graduating from Leningrad State University, Putin began his career in the KGB as an intelligence officer in 1975. Putin rose to the top ranks of the Russian government after joining President Boris Yeltsin’s administration in 1998, becoming prime minister in 1999 before taking over as president. Putin was again appointed Russian prime minister in 2008, and retained his hold on power by earning reelection to the presidency in 2012.
Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, he retired from the KGB with the rank of colonel, and returned to Leningrad as a supporter of Anatoly Sobchak (1937-2000), a liberal politician. On the latter’s election as mayor of Leningrad (1991), Putin became his head of external relations and first deputy mayor (1994).
After Sobchak’s defeat in 1996, Putin resigned his post and moved to Moscow. In 1998 he was appointed deputy head of management in Boris Yeltsin’s presidential administration, in charge of the Kremlin’s relations with the regional governments.
Shortly afterwards, he was appointed head of the Federal Security, an arm of the former KGB, and head of Yeltsin’s Security Council. In August 1999 Yeltsin dismissed his prime minister Sergey Stapashin together with his cabinet, and promoted Putin in his place.
In December 1999 Yeltsin resigned as president, appointing Putin acting president until official elections were held (in early 2000). He was re-elected in 2004. In April 2005 he made a historic visit to Israel for talks with Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, the first visit there by any Kremlin leader.
Due to term limits, Putin was forced to leave the presidency in 2008, but not before securing the office for his protege Dmitry Medvedev. Putin served as Medvedev’s prime minster until 2012, when he was reelected as Russia’s president.
Biography courtesy of BIO.com
Vladimir Putin: The Real Lessons of the 75th Anniversary of World War II
The Russian president offers a comprehensive assessment of the legacy of World War II, arguing that "Today, European politicians, and Polish leaders in particular, wish to sweep the Munich Betrayal under the carpet. The Munich Betrayal showed to the Soviet Union that the Western countries would deal with security issues without taking its interests into account."
Seventy-five years have passed since the end of the Great Patriotic War. Several generations have grown up over the years. The political map of the planet has changed. The Soviet Union that claimed an epic, crushing victory over Nazism and saved the entire world is gone. Besides, the events of that war have long become a distant memory, even for its participants. So why does Russia celebrate the ninth of May as the biggest holiday? Why does life almost come to a halt on June 22? And why does one feel a lump rise in their throat?
They usually say that the war has left a deep imprint on every family's history. Behind these words, there are fates of millions of people, their sufferings and the pain of loss. Behind these words, there is also the pride, the truth and the memory.
For my parents, the war meant the terrible ordeals of the Siege of Leningrad where my two-year-old brother Vitya died. It was the place where my mother miraculously managed to survive. My father, despite being exempt from active duty, volunteered to defend his hometown. He made the same decision as millions of Soviet citizens. He fought at the Nevsky Pyatachok bridgehead and was severely wounded. And the more years pass, the more I feel the need to talk to my parents and learn more about the war period of their lives. However, I no longer have the opportunity to do so. This is the reason why I treasure in my heart those conversations I had with my father and mother on this subject, as well as the little emotion they showed.
People of my age and I believe it is important that our children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren understand the torment and hardships their ancestors had to endure. They need to understand how their ancestors managed to persevere and win. Where did their sheer, unbending willpower that amazed and fascinated the whole world come from? Sure, they were defending their home, their children, loved ones and families. However, what they shared was the love for their homeland, their Motherland. That deep-seated, intimate feeling is fully reflected in the very essence of our nation and became one of the decisive factors in its heroic, sacrificial fight against the Nazis.
I often wonder: What would today's generation do? How will it act when faced with a crisis situation? I see young doctors, nurses, sometimes fresh graduates that go to the "red zone" to save lives. I see our servicemen that fight international terrorism in the Northern Caucasus and fought to the bitter end in Syria. They are so young. Many servicemen who were part of the legendary, immortal 6 th Paratroop Company were 19-20 years old. But all of them proved that they deserved to inherit the feat of the warriors of our homeland that defended it during the Great Patriotic War.
This is why I am confident that one of the characteristic features of the peoples of Russia is to fulfill their duty without feeling sorry for themselves when the circumstances so demand. Such values as selflessness, patriotism, love for their home, their family and Motherland remain fundamental and integral to the Russian society to this day. These values are, to a large extent, the backbone of our country's sovereignty.
Nowadays, we have new traditions created by the people, such as the Immortal Regiment. This is the memory march that symbolizes our gratitude, as well as the living connection and the blood ties between generations. Millions of people come out to the streets carrying the photographs of their relatives that defended their Motherland and defeated the Nazis. This means that their lives, their ordeals and sacrifices, as well as the Victory that they left to us will never be forgotten.
We have a responsibility to our past and our future to do our utmost to prevent those horrible tragedies from happening ever again. Hence, I was compelled to come out with an article about World War II and the Great Patriotic War. I have discussed this idea on several occasions with world leaders, and they have showed their support. At the summit of CIS leaders held at the end of last year, we all agreed on one thing: it is essential to pass on to future generations the memory of the fact that the Nazis were defeated first and foremost by the Soviet people and that representatives of all republics of the Soviet Union fought side by side together in that heroic battle, both on the frontlines and in the rear. During that summit, I also talked with my counterparts about the challenging pre-war period.
That conversation caused a stir in Europe and the world. It means that it is indeed high time that we revisited the lessons of the past. At the same time, there were many emotional outbursts, poorly disguised insecurities and loud accusations that followed. Acting out of habit, certain politicians rushed to claim that Russia was trying to rewrite history. However, they failed to rebut a single fact or refute a single argument. It is indeed difficult, if not impossible, to argue with the original documents that, by the way, can be found not only in the Russian, but also in the foreign archives.
Thus, there is a need to further examine the reasons that caused the world war and reflect on its complicated events, tragedies and victories, as well as its lessons, both for our country and the entire world. And like I said, it is crucial to rely exclusively on archive documents and contemporary evidence while avoiding any ideological or politicized speculations.
I would like to once again recall the obvious fact. The root causes of World War II mainly stem from the decisions made after World War I. The Treaty of Versailles became a symbol of grave injustice for Germany. It basically implied that the country was to be robbed, being forced to pay enormous reparations to the Western allies that drained its economy. French marshal Ferdinand Foch who served as the Supreme Allied Commander gave a prophetic description of that Treaty: "This is not peace. It is an armistice for twenty years."
It was the national humiliation that became a fertile ground for radical sentiments of revenge in Germany. The Nazis skillfully played on people's emotions and built their propaganda promising to deliver Germany from the "legacy of Versailles" and restore the country to its former power while essentially pushing German people into war. Paradoxically, the Western states, particularly the United Kingdom and the United States, directly or indirectly contributed to this. Their financial and industrial enterprises actively invested in German factories and plants manufacturing military products. Besides, many people in the aristocracy and political establishment supported radical, far-right and nationalist movements that were on the rise both in Germany and in Europe.
The "Versailles world order" caused numerous implicit controversies and apparent conflicts. They revolved around the borders of new European states randomly set by the victors in World War I. That boundary delimitation was almost immediately followed by territorial disputes and mutual claims that turned into "time bombs".
One of the major outcomes of World War I was the establishment of the League of Nations. There were high expectations for that international organization to ensure lasting peace and collective security. It was a progressive idea that, if followed through consistently, could actually prevent the horrors of a global war from happening again.
However, the League of Nations dominated by the victorious powers of France and the United Kingdom proved ineffective and just got swamped by pointless discussions. The League of Nations and the European continent in general turned a deaf ear to the repeated calls of the Soviet Union to establish an equitable collective security system, and sign an Eastern European pact and a Pacific pact to prevent aggression. These proposals were disregarded.
The League of Nations also failed to prevent conflicts in various parts of the world, such as the attack of Italy on Ethiopia, the civil war in Spain, the Japanese aggression against China and the Anschluss of Austria. Furthermore, in case of the Munich Betrayal that, in addition to Hitler and Mussolini, involved British and French leaders, Czechoslovakia was taken apart with the full approval of the League of Nations. I would like to point out in this regard that, unlike many other European leaders of that time, Stalin did not disgrace himself by meeting with Hitler who was known among the Western nations as quite a reputable politician and was a welcome guest in the European capitals.
Poland was also engaged in the partition of Czechoslovakia along with Germany. They decided together in advance who would get what Czechoslovak territories. On September 20, 1938, Polish Ambassador to Germany Józef Lipski reported to Minister of Foreign Affairs of Poland Józef Beck on the following assurances made by Hitler: "…in case of a conflict between Poland and Czechoslovakia over our interests in Teschen, the Reich would stand by Poland." The Nazi leader even prompted and advised that Poland started to act "only after the Germans occupy the Sudetes."
Early Life, Education, and Career
Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin was born on October 7, 1952, in Leningrad, Soviet Union (now Saint Petersburg, Russia). His mother, Maria Ivanovna Shelomova was a factory worker and his father, Vladimir Spiridonovich Putin, had served in the Soviet Navy submarine fleet during World War II and worked as a foreman at an automobile factory during the 1950s. In his official state biography, Putin recalls, “I come from an ordinary family, and this is how I lived for a long time, nearly my whole life. I lived as an average, normal person and I have always maintained that connection.”
While attending elementary and high school, Putin took up judo in hopes of emulating the Soviet intelligence officers he saw in the movies. Today, he holds a black belt in judo and is a national master in the similar Russian martial art of sambo. He also studied German at Saint Petersburg High School, and speaks the language fluently today.
In 1975, Putin earned a law degree from Leningrad State University, where he was tutored and befriended by Anatoly Sobchak, who would later become a political leader during the Glasnost and Perestroika reform period. As a college student, Putin was required to join the Communist Party of the Soviet Union but resigned as a member in December 1991. He would later describe communism as “a blind alley, far away from the mainstream of civilization.”
After initially considering a career in law, Putin was recruited into the KGB (the Committee for State Security) in 1975. He served as a foreign counter-intelligence officer for 15 years, spending the last six in Dresden, East Germany. After leaving the KGB in 1991 with the rank of lieutenant colonel, he returned to Russia where he was in charge of the external affairs of Leningrad State University. It was here that Putin became an advisor to his former tutor Anatoly Sobchak, who had just become Saint Petersburg’s first freely-elected mayor. Gaining a reputation as an effective politician, Putin quickly rose to the position of first deputy mayor of Saint Petersburg in 1994.
All Eyes on Putin After Malaysia Jet Crash
The eldest, Maria — or “Masha” — is 29 and her sister, Yekaterina — or “Katya” — is 27. Despite being “millennials” neither seems to have presence on any social network, and have not fallen prey to the U.S. tabloid coverage of famous scions.
The Russian president’s spokesman Dmitry Peskov famously said last November: “There's a lot of rumors. But we never did not talk about the family of Vladimir Putin and will not do this.”
That was in response to a simple question as to whether Putin had gone to Seoul earlier that month to visit Katya.
"He is afraid to talk about these things because he does not know if Mr. Putin will be happy about this."
Both daughters attended German-language secondary schools and then went to St. Petersburg State University, according to New York Times article from 2012. Masha reportedly studied biology while Katya focused on Asian studies.
The younger daughter was romantically linked to a South Korean man, Yoon Joon-won, the son of a employee at the Korean Embassy in Moscow. But there were also denials.
Yekaterina now reportedly lives with Nikolai Samalov, a long-time friend of her father's who financed numerous construction deals connected to the Sochi Olympics.
It was taken only as rumor and innuendo that Masha was living with Dutch businessman Jorrit Fassen in the Netherlands until Hilversum Mayor Pieter Broertjes on Wednesday called for her to be deported in the wake of the MH17 controversy. He later apologized.
It’s still not fully been absolutely confirmed that Masha lives in Holland with Fassen, who has held senior roles with Russian gas companies Dutch reports claimed that Putin visited the couple in 2013 (his spokesman denied this). But Ukrainians on Twitter last weekend called for a peaceful protest at an apartment building in Voorschoten where she reportedly lives.
Even the girls’ mother, Putin's wife of nearly 30 years — they divorced last year — was virtually unknown in media.
Lyudmila, a former flight attendant whom Vladimir met at a ballet performance, tended to accompany him only for high-profile occasions, such as voting in last year’s presidential elections. A picture that was taken of them at the last elections became a Russian meme with the headline “See you in six years!”
When they divorced, they acknowledged that they were often apart.
"We practically never saw each other. To each his own life," Putin curtly told reporters in June, 2013, as the two made a joint announcement on the end of their marriage.
Lyudmila Putina said: "We will eternally be very close people. I'm thankful … that he supports me."
She has been described as religiously devout, and may have even spent time at a monastery.
Most people who could offer some insight into the Putins appear not to want to cross the former KGB man.
In a 2008 article in Pravda, one of the last times the Russian newspaper wrote about the Putin daughters, the second paragraph read: “We would like to remind here that the private life of the former President of Russia and his family is a tabooed subject for public discussions and publications in this country.”
Vladimir Putin’s history fetish
Russia, the old joke goes, has long been a country with an unpredictable past. On September 22, 1939, for instance, Soviet Brigade Commander Semyon Krivoshein stood alongside German Generals Mauritz von Wiktorin and Heinz Guderian in Brest-Litovsk, Poland, to review a joint parade of Wehrmacht and Red Army troops who had recently occupied the town. The street was decorated with joined swastika and hammer-and-sickle banners celebrating the Nazi-Soviet Pact signed in Moscow less than a month before.
Under the terms of the now-infamous secret annex to that agreement, Hitler and Stalin agreed to divide Poland and the Baltic states between them &mdash and less famously but more importantly to Berlin, the Soviets agreed to provide millions of tons of raw materials to fuel the German war machine. Stalin exchanged long personal letters with Hitler and Pravda printed cordial official birthday greetings to the Führer.
Today, posting photographs of the Brest parade on Russian social media can get you imprisoned under a 2014 law criminalizing &lsquospreading intentionally false information about the Soviet Union&rsquos activities during World War Two&rsquo and &lsquodesecrating symbols of Russia&rsquos military glory.&rsquo
Vladimir Putin cares deeply about the memory of the Soviet role in World War Two. Over his 20 years in power, he has ramped up to the point that the war has become a touchstone of modern Russia&rsquos collective identity. Russian schoolchildren dress up in wartime uniforms and the annual celebrations of Victory Day in Moscow have been restored to a Soviet-style parade of Russia&rsquos modern military might, complete with mobile nuclear missiles. But Putin&rsquos latest attempt to co-opt the glory of the Soviet victory to reflect his own global ambitions is perhaps the strangest yet &mdash a lengthy historical essay published last week in the National Interest.
Like all the best polemicists, Putin introduces his revisions amid a phalanx of truths. He points out that the USSR made a far greater sacrifice than the other allies to defeating Hitler. This is certainly true. Germany suffered nearly 90 percent of its casualties on the Eastern Front, not the Western &mdash a point conceded by historian Anthony Beevor even as he presented his book on D-Day, which compared to the titanic struggles at Stalingrad, Kursk and Warsaw looks like a minor side-show. Putin also points out that the Western powers dragged their feet over a military alliance with the USSR in 1939, secretly hoping that Hitler and Stalin would attack each other. Even as the Soviet foreign minister Vyacheslav Molotov signed the pact with his German counterpart, a British delegation headed by Anthony Eden was in Moscow with orders to extend negotiations for as long as possible.
Stalin concluded that he could look for no help from the British and signed his deal with the devil. As Molotov claimed to a biographer in 1982, &lsquowe knew the war was coming soon, that we were weaker than Germany, that we would have to retreat. We did everything to postpone the war. And we succeeded &mdash for a year and 10 months. We wished it could have been longer, of course.&rsquo
Putin follows Molotov&rsquos line that the pact with Hitler was a desperate marriage of convenience. But Putin also places blame for World War Two squarely at the feet of the treacherous Britain and France who capitulated to Hitler in what he describes as the &lsquoMunich Betrayal&rsquo that allowed Germany to occupy part, then all of Czechoslovakia. Putin also makes much the outspoken anti-Semitism of many Polish leaders, deploring &lsquothe silent acquiescence &mdash or even direct abetment &mdash of some European politicians in the barbarous plans of the Nazis.&rsquo
Where Putin veers into radical revisionism is his attempt to whitewash the Soviet occupation of Poland and the Baltics. &lsquoIn autumn 1939, the Soviet Union, pursuing its strategic military and defensive goals, started the process of the incorporation of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia,&rsquo he writes. &lsquoTheir accession to the USSR was implemented on a contractual basis, with the consent of the elected authorities. This was in line with international and state law of that time… The Baltic republics within the USSR preserved their government bodies, language, and had representation in the higher state structures of the Soviet Union.&rsquo
The Baltic republics themselves remember it differently as a nightmare of mass arrests and executions that decapitated their nations&rsquo political and cultural elites. In Poland, the Soviet secret police systematically massacred 22,000 officers and intellectuals in the forests of Katyn in April and May of 1940, then lied about it to the world for half a century.
It&rsquos no surprise that Putin plays down the violently imperial aspect of Soviet occupation. But what&rsquos more intriguing is why he chose to couch his latest views of Russia&rsquos role in the modern world through the coded prism of a historical essay.
The most obvious answer is that the Soviet Union&rsquos victory in 1945 laid the basis for all that remains today of Russia&rsquos greatness. Moscow&rsquos seat on the United Nations Security Council, its moral legitimacy and even its nuclear arsenal all have their roots in World War Two. Even 75 years after the event, the vastness of the Soviet sacrifice &mdash including the death of Putin&rsquos own infant older brother during the siege of Leningrad &mdash in the struggle against Nazism still resonates.
But Putin is also emphasizing history because he feels that the memory of wartime alliance is fading. Russia is now being viewed both by the West and by its own near neighbors as an unremittingly hostile and intractable foe. When Boris Johnson spoke of his changing attitudes to Russia, he mentioned the war. &lsquoI really thought, as I think many foreign secretaries and prime ministers have thought before, that we could start again with Russia,&rsquo Johnson said last year. &lsquoThat it&rsquos a great country we fought with against fascism. It was very, very disappointing that I was wrong.&rsquo
That bothers Putin, who has reportedly become obsessed with what he calls the Great Patriotic War. He&rsquos spoken about the war in meetings with former Soviet heads of state and at top-level meetings with generals and businessmen. He has also convened panels of historians to unearth new evidence of Western perfidy during the run-up to the conflict. It&rsquos even possible that Putin penned large parts of the essay himself, since he has spoken publicly about his scholarly work on the topic. The translation, with its combination of clunky formalisms and glib modern buzzwords, has the ring of Kremlin press secretary Dmitry Peskov&rsquos English.
Subscribe today for just $1/month for our print edition and unlimited access to spectatorworld.com
But what&rsquos clear is that for Putin, making sure that the world shares Russia&rsquos pride in its victory is clearly something very personal. Russians &lsquousually say that the war has left a deep imprint on every family&rsquos history,&rsquo writes Putin. &lsquoBehind these words, there are fates of millions of people, their sufferings and the pain of loss. Behind these words, there is also the pride, the truth and the memory.v
In addition, there&rsquos a deep desire to push back against attempts by Eastern Europeans to impose revisionist history of their own &mdash with an added dash of paranoia. In 2018, Poland passed its own &lsquomemory law&rsquo that made it illegal to accuse the country of complicity in the crimes committed by the Third Reich on Polish soil. Ukraine has lionized Stepan Bandera, a nationalist leader who collaborated with the Nazis in the name of Ukrainian independence. To Sergei Naryshkin, chief of Russia&rsquos SVR foreign intelligence agency, &lsquoUkraine and the Baltic states now have laws rehabilitating Nazi collaborators… and according to our information, the coordination of these allegedly &ldquograssroots&rdquo efforts is handled from a single center across the Atlantic.&rsquo To Naryshkin and probably all the former KGB men who run the Kremlin, &lsquoall these &ldquoripples&rdquo only confirm that the Western elites are looking to overhaul the existing system of global governance or, simply put, take control over it.&rsquo
For Putin, as for his predecessors in the Kremlin going back to Lenin, controlling the narrative of the past is the key to controlling the present. With his sophisticated propaganda machine, Putin has had no difficulty getting Russians to buy into his fetishization of a war very few of them now remember as a cornerstone of their national identity. It remains to be seen whether his foray into historical polemic will sway many in the West behind his view of Russia as the savior of Europe.
This article was originally published on The Spectator&rsquos UK website.
Before he became the president of Russia, Vladimir Putin was a KGB spy — take a look at his early career
Vladimir Putin's KGB career may have ended decades ago, but that didn't stop the Russian president from citing his spy credentials during Monday's press conference with US president Donald Trump.
Dissmissing the idea that Trump's presidential campaign colluded with Russia in 2016 and disputing the credibility of the Steele dossier, Putin said, "I was an intelligence officer myself, and I know how dossiers are made up."
Russia is accused of hacking the DNC's emails and engaging in other forms of cyber subversion in order to throw the race to Trump. A series of politically-charged and disinformation-spreading social media groups and advertising campaigns have been traced back to Russia.
Putin has denied hacking the election. Trump has argued that he "doesn't see any reason" why Putin would meddle in the election, despite the consensus of the US intelligence community that Russia interfered in order to ensure a Republican victory.
Vladimir Putin, the killer of history
Sergei Bobylev via Getty Images GENEVA, SWITZERLAND – JUNE 16, 2021: Russia’s President Vladimir Putin leaves after a meeting with Switzerland’s President Parmelin on the sidelines of the US-Russia summit at the Villa La Grange. Sergei Bobylev/TASS (Photo by Sergei BobylevTASS via Getty Images)
Vladimir Luzgin, a simple car mechanic in Perm, was one of the first convicted, in 2014, for sharing an article that read that “the communists had actively collaborated with Nazi Germany to divide Europe with the pact Molotov-Ribbentrop “.
In 2015 Evghenij Dšugashvili, Stalin’s grandson, denounced the historian David Feldman who had recalled the Katyn massacre on television, thousands of Polish prisoners shot by the Soviet police in 1940. A crime denied for years, later admitted by Gorbachev, and now for new disputed: the plaque in memory of the victims placed in Tver was removed last year by order of the prosecutor. The historian Aleksandr Gourianov, who deals with the “Polish” program of the NGO Memorial, has declared that he is continually the victim of threats and complaints.
In 2018 the authorities of Magadan, capital of Kolymà (Gulag archipelago, 10 thousand km east of Moscow), opened a criminal procedure against Igor Dorogy, a 62-year-old retiree, accused of having recalled the perpetrators of the crimes on social media of the past calling them “executioners, looters and bloodthirsty”. In 2019 Aleksei Volkov, coordinator of the Volgograd office of opponent Aleksei Navalny, was convicted of publishing photographs of monuments dedicated to Soviet heroes with faces painted in green.
We could go on and on. Micro-stories that belong to the Russian newspaper and that better convey what the political battle around the memory of a people means than the great history. The Council of Europe published a few days ago an eighty-page report of the International Federation of Human Rights (FIDH), the result of a year of field work among historians, political and civil activists in NGOs, journalists in some way involved with the public account that Vladimir Putin’s Russia makes of itself. You can read the report here. It is titled “Crimes against History”, an expression borrowed from the essay by the Belgian historian Antoon De Baets published in 2018 under the title “Crimes against History”. And by “crime” we mean that particular form of attack on human rights which through censorship, disinformation, revision of the historical account aims to obtain a political advantage, such as consolidating a regime, building a narrative functional to power. But of course history is not an abstract entity, it walks on the legs of women and men and therefore crimes are also committed against those who work on history, through restrictions on access to archives, complaints, defamations that give rise to trials , small and large convictions that contribute to an atmosphere of intimidation. In some cases of real persecution.
Between 2014 and 2019, over 9,000 people were sentenced in Russia to fines or imprisonment of up to fifteen days for contraventions of the memory law. Each cause naturally involves the seizure of personal computers, smartphones, electronic instruments and therefore the seizure of private memory and connections with the rest of the world.
Since 2020 this police and judicial practice, already supported by various laws, has been legitimized by the solemn inscription in the Constitution where it is now read that the current Russian Federation is the “successor” of the Soviet Union, “honors the memory of the defenders of the homeland , it protects the historical truth and does not allow to minimize popular heroism in the defense of the homeland ”. The government has an obligation to “instill patriotism in young people”. The founding moment is no longer the October Revolution (celebrated hastily in ) but the victory in the Second World War (The Great Patriotic War) while all the atrocities of the past are minimized and even justified. “It is an aggressive memory policy – accuses the FIDH – that leaves no room for alternative points of view and targets independent historians, publicists, journalists, NGO militants and civil society who work on historical memory”.
The paradigm shift is here, in the passage from the history of regime propaganda to the criminalization of any interference and with a bureaucratic and fiscal application of the truth of the state. One of the latest and most controversial laws is that which pursues the rehabilitation of Nazism. A shareable and rightful goal in the Eastern world where the confusion of symbols after 1989 produced disturbing “reddish-brown” movements with the display of swastikas intertwined with hammer and sickle on backgrounds that reproduced the flags of the III Reich, as in the case of the “national-Bolshevik” party founded by Eduard Limonov in the chaotic Russia of Boris Yeltsin. The effect of the law, however, was to impose a patriotic tone on the historical narrative with the aim of “strengthening national identity” and prohibiting “disrespectful views of Russian military history”.
And so, for example, in 2020 a Kaliningrad blogger, Nikolaij Gorelov was sued for articles published in 2014 on the crimes committed by the Red Army on the civilian population. A Smolensk journalist, Polina Danilevich, was convicted of publishing a photograph of her home during the Nazi occupation. A bookseller was denounced because he had for sale a historical essay on “Soldiers of the Wermacht” with the image of a swastika on the cover. A militant from Tuva (Siberia on the border with Mongolia) Oyumaa Dongak was denounced for having published archival photographs of Germany in plain anti-Nazi text.
Many historians have already made the expense of this climate since 2014, when the ministerial commission for the archives (which had been partially and briefly accessible between and ) extended their closure by another thirty years for the documents of the years between 1917 and 1991. So until 2044 the secrets of CEKA, NKVD and KGB will remain so.
All this constitutes a “crime against history” of which the whole of Russian society and the international community are victims. Thus concludes the FIDH report, recommending to historians and judges to “be vigilant” so that memory is not propaganda. But it is a battle that is not just about Russia. Just in these days in France Vasilij Grossman’s “Years of War” has been republished in the same edition released in 1993 that is purged of the “patriotic” and pro-Stalinist pages of a writer who with “Life and destiny” has then become an icon and symbol anti-Stalinist literature.
The paradox is that if censorship has come back to life in Moscow, self-censorship has never died in France.
The young lawyer Grigorij Vaipan (graduated from St. Petersburg and studied law at Harvard), one of the authors on the “crime” of history in today’s Russia, declared to le Monde: “I was born in 1990, I am part of the first post-Soviet generation and unfortunately I witness the return of repression. I believe that our country has no future if it does not honestly face its totalitarian past ”. And not only his but also the conformist vices of ours.
- Stengel, Richard and Adi Ignatius. &ldquoA Bible, But No E-mail.&rdquo TIME Magazine. 17 December 2007.
- Stengel, Richard and Adi Ignatius. &ldquoPutin Q&A: Full Transcript.&rdquo TIME Magazine. 17 December 2007.
- Levy, Clifford J.. &ldquoAt Expense of All Others, Putin Picks a Church.&rdquo The New York Times. 24 April 2008.
- Shuster, Simon. &ldquoInside Vladimir Putin's Pilgrimage to the Holy Mountain.&rdquo TIME Magazine. 7 September 2016.
- Lucas, Fred. &ldquo‘Back to the Soviet Era’: Putin’s New Law Could Lead to Religious Crackdown.&rdquo The Daily Signal. 20 July 2016.
- Bennetts, Marc. &ldquoA New Russian Law Targets Evangelicals and Other ‘Foreign’ Religions.&rdquo Newsweek. 15 September 2016.
- Keating, Joshua. &ldquoRussia Gets Religion: Is Vladimir Putin trying to build a new Orthodox empire?.&rdquo Slate. 11 November 2014.
- Coyer, Paul. &ldquo(Un)Holy Alliance: Vladimir Putin, The Russian Orthodox Church And Russian Exceptionalism.&rdquo Forbes.com. 21 May 2015.
- Putin, Vladimir, First Person: An Astonishingly Frank Self-Portrait by Russia's President 12.
- &ldquoVladimir Putin.&rdquo Wikipedia.
- Putin, Vladimir. &ldquoPresidential Address to the Federal Assembly.&rdquo 4 December 2014.
Vladimir Putin, the Jewish King of Restored Khazaria
So what is the globalist purpose in staging a war on Russia’s western border? I suspect that their motive is to reunite all the land of ancient Khazaria under Russian control. Basically, they want to “restore their ancient empire / homeland.” Putin is not only a Jew I suspect he is also a Khazarian.
Just look at a map of ancient Khazaria…
The area boxed in red is the part of ancient Khazaria bordered by the Dnieper River that the Russians will control after the coming war. The Russians will get all of Ukraine east of the Dnieper.
The area boxed in green is Crimea, a part of ancient Khazaria which the Russians took control of in 2014.
The area boxed in orange is the little notch of Khazaria / Alania near Tbilisi that is now Ossetia. The Russians took control of South Ossetia in 2008…
Putin’s Palace in Khazaria
A few weeks ago, I was poking around Netflix and came across a French documentary called Putin’s Hidden Treasure. At about the 45 minute mark, it started talking about how Putin ordered his business cronies to drop all their projects and focus on building him a palatial complex in the South of Russia. The place is now referred to as Putin’s Palace.
After getting into all this Khazarian stuff this weekend, I decided to check if Putin’s Palace is in Khazarian territory. It is. Not only that, it’s built within the most ancient boundaries of Khazaria (circa 650).
Here is a map that points to Putin’s Palace (a.k.a. Mys Idokopas) at the bottom right…
…from Google Maps. As you can see, Crimea is on the left and the Palace is on the opposite shore across the Black Sea.
Now here is a map of ancient Khazaria at different times of its development…
The area I’ve boxed in blue is the same area from the map of Putin’s Palace (with the Palace marked with a red circle). As you can see, the Palace sits inside the most ancient boundaries of Khazaria. So after the war, Putin will be the Jewish King of the Restored Khazarian Empire (among the many crowns he will wear) with a beautiful palace by the sea…
…Just look at that long walking garden!
Watch the Netflix documentary if you’re able. They actually go as close to the Palace as the massive security presence will allow, and they show that it’s not just a house, but a command center.
A Quick Note About This Blog
My purpose in writing this blog is twofold: 1) to educate the public on the true objectives and strategies of the globalists, and 2) to expose and hopefully block (or at least slow down) globalist advances towards their goals.
In order to fulfill the second part of my purpose, I employ a strategy of deterrence through public exposure of their methods, aims, and narratives. So I write in detail about every point during the current year where I perceive an opportunity for them to make a move. If my strategy works, they won’t attempt the move, nothing will happen, and it will appear that I was wrong. That is exactly the outcome I aim for. I am not in the prediction business I’m in the prevention business.
To better understand my philosophy on this, read The Magician and the Heckler.
It is also my intention to perform this work without letting money or ego get in the way. So I do not accept fees, donations, ads or any other type of income for this site (to ensure the flow of money doesn’t impact what I write about and to prevent any other complications money might bring with it). Nor do I use my full name (to avoid the desire to “make a name for myself” and to prevent myself from shying away from taking risks or controversial stands “to preserve my reputation”).
For more about me and how to get in contact, see the About Me / Contact page.
Today, we celebrate the sixth month anniversary since the founding of History and Headlines on September 22, 2013. We now have over 200 articles on our site and so what better way to commemorate these milestones than by digging deeper into the bizarre and sordid history of the leader of a nuclear armed nation possessing more territory than any other country in the world?
(Update, March 2020: We are now 6 1/2 years old and have well over 2000 articles, as well as a YouTube channel. We have also just added more information about Putin to this article and you can see our other Putin related articles by clicking the link.)
8. Interference with American elections and politics.
Despite troubling and unexplained denials of President Donald Trump, Putin and his Russian internet trolls have definitely interfered with the 2016 US presidential election and are doing more of the same with the 2020 elections. On top of that, Putin’s trolls are sowing discord in the US by suckering Americans into divided sides by race, religion, economic class and politics with bogus websites and social media manipulation. Putin is engaging in a high level of internet cyber war that is largely being ignored by the Trump administration.
7. Putin dismisses his government.
In February of 2020, Vladimir Putin fired the Prime Minister and virtually his entire cabinet, creating a new government more to his liking in a bald faced move to consolidate his power, looking to stay in power longer. Not a surprise, he did something similar in 2004 and has remained in power since. The moves are seen as part of his plan, which included a constitutional change, to allow him to remain in power past his otherwise term limited date of 2024. Currently 67 years old (as of March 23, 2020), Putin may be able to retain his dictatorship of Russia for quite a few years yet to come. After all, he is constantly conniving ways to consolidate and extend his power.
6. Putin “Stole” Robert Kraft’s Super Bowl Ring
In 2005, Robert Kraft, owner of the American football team The Patriots, had the opportunity to meet with Vladimir Putin. During this meeting, Kraft decided to show Putin his Super Bowl ring, valued at $25,000. According to Kraft, “I took out the ring and showed it to [Putin], and he put it on and he goes, ‘I can kill someone with this ring…I put my hand out and he put it in his pocket, and three KGB guys got around him and walked out….I really didn’t [want to]. I had an emotional tie to the ring, it has my name on it. I don’t want to see it on eBay.” The ring remains in Russia.
5. Putin Kissed a Boy, because WHY!?
If seeing a grown man, let a lone the leader of one of the Earth’s most powerful countries, kiss a boy’s bare skin is not weird enough, Putin’s explanation for why he kissed the boy just makes matters worse: “You know that this was not planned. People came up and I began talking to them, among them this little boy. He seemed to me very independent, sure of himself and at the same time defenseless, as a child always is, an innocent boy and a very nice little boy…I tell you honestly, I just wanted to touch him like a kitten, and that desire of mine ended in that act that you mention.” WTF?!
4. Saint Vladimir Putin
Yes, you read right! The Chapel of Russia’s Resurrection founded in 2007 by Mother Fotina as an all-woman sect believes that Putin is the reincarnation of Paul the Apostle and Saint Vladimir the Great and is himself a living saint. Not even the tsars were worshiped as living saints! Let us just hope he does not take after Saint Theodora…
3. Putin versus Pussy Riot
That is not to say that all Russian women worship Putin. Among Putin’s most vocal critics are a female punk band named Pussy Riot, founded in 2011. The group regards Putin as a dictator, which given that Putin has run Russia as either president or prime minister for the last twenty plus years, does not seem an entirely bogus allegation. The group achieved international notoriety when they protested at an Orthodox Church in Russia in February 2012. The next month, three prominent members of the group members were arrested, denied bail, convicted of hooliganism, and sentenced to two years imprisonment. Amidst international outcries, the women were eventually freed prior to the Winter Olympics held in Russia in February 2014, only to suffer subsequent assaults by angry Russians as recently as March 2014.
2. Putin Wins More Votes than Voters?
In Russia’s most recent presidential election, Putin won with some interesting support. As reporter Bill Neely notes, “look at Precinct 451 in the capital Grozny, where Putin got 1,482 votes and (former Communist leader Gennady) Zyuganov got one. Terrific vote. Except that only 1,389 people were registered to vote in the precinct. That means the turnout was 107 percent.”
1. Aggression toward Neighboring Countries
All of the above pales in comparison to Russia’s interventions in its neighbors’ political turmoil. First, Russia won a decisive victory in the Second Chechen War in the first years of Putin’s administration. Then, in August 2008, Russia invaded Georgia in a war that cost hundreds of lives and also resulted in Russian victory, despite former American presidential candidate John McCain’s claim that “We are all Georgians”. Now, we have the ongoing crisis of the Crimea, which has voted for independence and hoped for annexation by Russia. This latest conflict is perhaps the most concerning as the possibility of American involvement seems greater than what happened in 2008. Indeed, global fears of the conflict escalating are by far the most disturbing of news currently scaring the world… Update, March 2020: With Russia firmly in control of the Crimea, the land grab has spread to other parts of the Ukraine that Russia is attempting to also annex. Fighting between the Ukrainian army and Russians continues and has played a part in the American political picture that led to the impeachment of Donald Trump.
And to make matters worse, should a war erupt, we Americans no longer have Sarah Palin as governor as our first line of defense!
Question for students (and subscribers): In any event, we have already had one Crimean War, but do you think we will have another in 2014? Should Britain and America come to the Ukraine’s defense should a war break out? Would a war between the United States and Russia have to be a nuclear war? Please let us know in the comments section below this article.
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For more information, please see…
Morgan, Stephen. Pussy Riot vs Putin: Revolutionary Russia. CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2012.
Putin, Lyudmila. The Benevolent Deeds of Vladimir Putin. CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2013.